14th District Is No Place for Shifty Politics

It was inevitable that the anticipated resignation of City Councilman Arthur K. Snyder would generate controversy in his 14th District, which covers the heavily Latino east and northeast sections of Los Angeles. But now it’s affecting the rest of the city.

During his 17 years on the council, Snyder has been the most controversial politician in town because of his aggressive fund-raising tactics and his highly public troubled personal life (divorces, drunk-driving charges and, recently, allegations that he molested his daughter).

The 14th District itself has been politically quirky, too. Snyder has consistently defeated Latino challengers, even though the 14th is the most heavily Latino district in the city. Political analysts routinely cite this as an example of how politically impotent Latinos are here. Community leaders argue that the district is not a fair test of Latino political clout because of its large population of immigrants and young people who do not vote.

The 14th District seat has become such an important symbol that any Latino politician who holds it will automatically become a major national figure. Thus it is not surprising that Latino activists well beyond the Eastside are interested in who will take the job if Snyder resigns, as he keeps promising to do. What is unusual, however, is how the rest of the City Council has been dragged into the debate.

The council became involved because of Snyder’s effort to persuade its members to appoint his successor rather than to schedule a special election in which 14th district voters could choose a new City Hall representative for themselves. To be fair, this ploy was not just Snyder’s idea. It originated with the man who is considered the odds-on favorite to claim the 14th District seat if Snyder leaves, Assemblyman Richard Alatorre (D-Los Angeles).

Because Alatorre’s Assembly district roughly coincides with the 14th Council District (Eagle Rock, Highland Park, El Sereno and Lincoln Heights, but not Boyle Heights), it has been presumed that he has the name identification and fund-raising ability to beat any lesser-known candidates who aspire to replace Snyder.

Not surprisingly, Alatorre prefers an appointment to fill out Snyder’s term until the next regular election, but his lobbying of council members was getting nowhere. Then, last week, several council members revealed that Snyder had begun lobbying them on Alatorre’s behalf. City Hall sources were quoted as saying that Snyder had decided to establish a “decent relationship” with his most likely successor. Neither Snyder nor Alatorre would confirm the reports, but they were read as another sign of Alatorre’s power, and of the inevitability of his ascension to the council.

Alatorre needs the support of only eight of the 15 council members to be appointed (Snyder cannot vote on the issue), and he is rumored to be within one or two votes. His supporters are arguing that, by naming Alatorre to office, the city would save the money that it would cost to hold an election that Alatorre would likely win anyway. But I suspect that this intense back-room maneuvering is really the sign of a candidate who is afraid that he could lose a special election.

A close look at the rivals who would run against Alatorre in the 14th District reveals a field that is a cross section of Latino political views, from radical Chicanos to right-wing Republicans. The mix just might be broad enough to deny Alatorre the easy victory that he predicts. Together with minor candidates who may enter the race, Alatorre’s three major opponents could at least deprive him of a majority in a primary election, forcing him into a runoff.

Each of the other candidates who have said that they will run for Snyder’s seat has significant support within the district. Steve Rodriguez, the urban planner who almost forced Snyder into a runoff in 1983 and into a recall election last year, has strong name identification and is a longtime resident of El Sereno. Gilbert Avila, a former aide to Gov. George Deukmejian, can call on the GOP for campaign money and endorsements, which would go a long way in Eagle Rock--a conservative Anglo enclave that has been a consistent source of voting strength for Snyder. Antonio Rodriguez, an attorney, is a native of Boyle Heights, where his large family is well known for its community activism. He represents Latinos who came to political maturity during the Chicano movement of the 1960s but are more sophisticated than they were 15 years ago.

Antonio Rodriguez may be the candidate whom Alatorre fears most, for he represents a faction that hurt Alatorre the first time that he ran for public office in 1971. Then, Alatorre was favored to win a special election for a vacant Assembly seat against token opposition from a weak Republican and a representative of the Chicano La Raza Unida party. To almost everyone’s surprise, the Raza Unida candidate got just enough votes to help the Republican win.

It was a humiliating defeat for Alatorre, and I suspect that he has not forgotten it. That is why he is running scared now--pulling out all the stops to get himself appointed to the City Council rather than face the voters.

Alatorre’s maneuvering may be lively politics, but it’s bad for the Eastside. While local Latinos want representation on the City Council, if it comes about through back-room deals rather than by election, that will only reinforce the notion that their community is politically impotent.